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Language
and Culture - a thesis
by Dimitrios Thanasoulas
- 2
Chapter
1
THE HISTORY OF CULTURE TEACHING
As
will become evident, the role of cultural learning in the
foreign language classroom has been the concern of many teachers
and scholars and has sparked considerable controversy, yet
its validity as an equal complement to language learning has
often been overlooked or even impugned. Up to now, two main
perspectives have influenced the teaching of culture. One
pertains to the transmission of factual, cultural information,
which consists in statistical information, that is,
institutional structures and other aspects of the target civilisation,
highbrow information, i.e., immersion in literature
and the arts, and lowbrow information, which may focus
on the customs, habits, and folklore of everyday life (see
Kramsch, 1993: 24). This preoccupation with facts rather than
meanings, though, leaves much to be desired as far as an understanding
of foreign attitudes and values is concerned, and virtually
blindfolds learners to the minute albeit significant aspects
of their own as well as the target group's identity that are
not easily divined and appropriated (ibid.) All that it offers
is 'mere book knowledge learned by rote' (Huebener, 1959:
177).
The other perspective, drawing upon cross-cultural psychology
or anthropology, has been to embed culture within an interpretive
framework and establish connections, namely, points of reference
or departure, between one's own and the target country. This
approach, however, has certain limitations, since it can only
furnish learners with cultural knowledge, while leaving them
to their own devices to integrate that knowledge with the
assumptions, beliefs, and mindsets already obtaining in their
society. Prior to considering a third perspective, to which
the present paper aspires to contribute, it is of consequence
to briefly sift through the relevant literature and see what
the teaching of culture has come to be associated with.
As
Lessard-Clouston (1997) notes, in the past, people learned
a foreign language to study its literature, and this was the
main medium of culture. '[I]t was through reading that students
learned of the civilization associated with the target language'
(Flewelling, 1993: 339, cited in Lessard-Clouston, 1997).
In the 1960s and 1970s, such eminent scholars as Hall (1959),
Nostrand (1974), Seelye ([1974] 1984), and Brooks (1975) made
an endeavour to base foreign language learning on a universal
ground of emotional and physical needs, so that 'the foreign
culture [would appear] less threatening and more accessible
to the language learner' (Kramsch, 1993: 224). In the heyday
of the audiolingual era in language teaching, Brooks (1968)
'emphasized the importance of culture not for the study of
literature but for language learning', as Steele (1989: 155)
has observed. Earlier on, Brooks (1960) in his seminal work
Language and Language Learning had offered sixty-four topics
regarding culture interspersed with questions covering several
pages. These 'hors d' oeuvres', as he called them, concerned,
inter alia, such crucial aspects of culture as greetings,
expletives, personal possessions, cosmetics, tobacco and smoking,
verbal taboos, cafes, bars, and restaurants, contrasts in
town and country life, patterns of politeness, keeping warm
and cool, medicine and doctors [
] In a sense, his groundbreaking
work was conducive to a shift of focus from teaching geography
and history as part of language learning to an anthropological
approach to the study of culture. What is important is that,
by making the distinction between "Culture with a Capital
C"-art, music, literature, politics and so on-and "culture
with a small c"-the behavioural patterns and lifestyles
of everyday people-he helped dispel the myth that culture
(or civilisation or Landeskunde, or what other name it is
known by, (see Byram, 1994)) is an intellectual gift bestowed
only upon the elite. Admittedly, the main thrust of his work
was to make people aware that culture resides in the very
fabric of their lives-their modus vivendi, their beliefs,
assumptions, and attitudes-rather than in a preoccupation
with aesthetic reflections or high-falutin ideas. As Weaver
insightfully remarks, the commonly held notion of culture
is largely concerned with its insignificant aspects, whereas
our actual interaction with it takes place at a subconscious
level.
'Many,
if not most, people think of culture as what is often called
"high culture"-art, literature, music, and the like.
This culture is set in the framework of history and of social,
political, and economic structures
.Actually, the most
important part of culture for the sojourner is that which
is internal and hidden
, but which governs the behavior
they encounter. This dimension of culture can be seen as an
iceberg with the tip sticking above the water level of conscious
awareness. By far the most significant part, however, is unconscious
or below the water level of awareness and includes values
and thought patterns.' (Weaver, 1993: 157, cited in Killick
& Poveda, 1997: 221)
Following
Brooks, Nostrand (1974) developed the Emergent Model scheme,
which comprised six main categories. The first, culture, regarded
value systems and habits of thought; society included organizations
and familial, religious, and other institutions. The third
category of conflict was comprised of interpersonal as well
as intrapersonal conflict. Ecology and technology included
knowledge of plants and animals, health care, travel etc.,
while the fifth category, individuals, was about intra/interpersonal
variation. Finally, cross-cultural environment had to do with
attitudes towards other cultures. As Singhal (1998) notes,
'[i]t is evident that one would have to be quite knowledgeable
in the culture under study to be able to present all of these
aspects accurately to second language learners'.
Since
the 1960s, a great many educators have concerned themselves
with the importance of the cultural aspect in foreign language
learning, with Hammerly (1982), Seelye (1984) and Damen (1987)
being among those who have considered ways of incorporating
culture into language teaching. In the 1970s, an emphasis
on sociolinguistics led to greater emphasis on the situational
context of the foreign language. Savignon's (1972: 9) study
on communicative competence, for example, suggested the 'value
of training in communicative skills from the very beginning
of the FL program'. As a result, the role of culture in the
foreign language curriculum was enhanced, and influential
works by Seelye (1974) and Lafayette (1975) appeared. The
audiolingual method was replaced by the communicative approach,
and Canale and Swain (1980: 31) claimed that 'a more natural
integration' of language and culture takes place 'through
a more communicative approach than through a more grammatically
based approach'. In addition, teacher-oriented texts (Hammerly,
1982; Higgs, 1984; Omaggio, 1986; Rivers, 1981) now included
detailed chapters on culture teaching for the foreign language
classroom, attesting to the predominant goal: communication
within the cultural context of the target language. (see Lessard-Clouston,
1997)
It
is only in the 1980s that scholars begin to delve into the
dynamics of culture and its vital contribution to 'successful'
language learning (Byram, Morgan et al., 1994: 5). For example,
Littlewood (cited in Byram, Morgan et al., 1994: 6) advocates
the value of cultural learning, although he still 'keeps linguistic
proficiency as the overall aim of communicative competence'
(ibid.). Also, there are many insightful comparisons made
between behavioural conventions in the L1 and L2 societies
which are culture-specific and which could be said to impede
understanding: the use of silence (Odlin, 1989; La Forge,
1983: 70-81), frequency of turn-taking (Preston, 1989: 128-131,
Odlin, 1989: 55), politeness (Odlin, 1989: 49-54), and so
forth (see Byram, Morgan et al., 1994: 8) Furthermore, in
the 1980s and 1990s, advances in pragmatics and sociolinguistics
(Levinson, 1983) laying bare the very essence of language,
which is no longer thought of as merely describing or communicating
but, rather, as persuading, deceiving, or punishing and controlling
(Byram, 1989; Fairclough, 1989; Lakoff, 1990), have rendered
people's frames of reference and cultural schemata tentative,
and led to attempts at 'bridg[ing] the cultural gap in language
teaching' (Valdes, 1986).
On the assumption that communication is not only an exchange
of information but also a highly cognitive as well as affective
and value-laden activity, Melde (1987) holds that foreign
language teaching should foster 'critical awareness' of social
life-a view commensurate with Fairclough's (1989 and 1995)
critical theory (see also Byram, Morgan et al., 1994). More
specifically, when the learner understands the perspectives
of others and is offered the opportunity to reflect on his
own perspectives, 'through a process of decentering and a
level of reciprocity, there arises a moral dimension, a judgmental
tendency, which is not defined purely on formal, logical grounds'
(Byram, Morgan et al., 1994). To this end, the learner needs
to take the role of the foreigner, so that he may gain insights
into the values and meanings that the latter has internalised
and unconsciously negotiates with the members of the society
to which he belongs (ibid.). Beside Melde, Baumgratz-Gangl
(1990) asserts that the integration of values and meanings
of the foreign culture with those of one's "native culture"
can bring about a shift of perspective or the 'recognition
of cognitive dissonance' (Byram, Morgan et al.), both conducive
to reciprocity and empathy. What is more, Swaffar (1992) acknowledges
the contribution of culture when he says that, in order to
combat, as it were, 'cultural distance', students must be
exposed to foreign literature with a view to developing the
ability to put into question and evaluate the cultural elements
L2 texts are suffused with. Kramsch (1993, 1987a) also believes
that culture should be taught as an interpersonal process
and, rather than presenting cultural facts, teachers should
assist language learners in coming to grips with the 'other
culture' (Singhal, 1998). She maintains that, by virtue of
the increasing multiculturality of various societies, learners
should be made aware of certain cultural factors at work,
such as age, gender, and social class, provided that the former
usually
have little or no systematic knowledge about their membership
in a given society and culture, nor do they have enough knowledge
about the target culture to be able to interpret and synthesize
the cultural phenomena presented. (Kramsch, 1988b)
From
all the above, it is evident that, much as the element of
culture has gained momentum in foreign language learning,
most educators have seen it as yet another skill at the disposal
of those who aspire to become conversant with the history
and life of the target community rather than as an integral
part of communicative competence and intercultural awareness
at which every "educated individual" should aim.
As has been intimated above, the present paper takes a third
perspective, in claiming that cultural knowledge is not only
an aspect of communicative competence, but an educational
objective in its own right. Nevertheless, cultural knowledge
is unlike, say, knowledge of mathematics or Ancient Greek,
in the sense that it is an all-encompassing kind of knowledge
which, to a certain extent, has determined-facilitated or
precluded-all other types of "knowledge." Rather
than viewing cultural knowledge as a prerequisite for language
proficiency, it is more important to view it as 'the community's
store of established knowledge' (Fowler, 1986: 19), which
comprises 'structures of expectation' (Tannen, 1979: 144)
with which everyone belonging to a certain group is expected
to unconsciously and unerringly comply. A corollary of this
third perspective is to view the teaching of culture as a
means of 'developing an awareness of, and sensitivity towards,
the values and traditions of the people whose language is
being studied' (Tucker & Lambert, 1972: 26). It goes without
saying that to foster cultural awareness by dint of teaching
culture means to bring to our learners' conscious the latent
assumptions and premises underlying their belief and value
systems (see Humphrey, 1997: 242) and, most importantly, to
show that our own culture predisposes us to a certain worldview
by creating a 'cognitive framework
.[which] is made up
of a number of unquantifiables [my emphasis]
.embrac[ing]
assumptions about how the world is constructed' (ibid.).
But this cognitive framework is, to a great extent, maintained
and sanctioned through the very use of language, which is
arguably 'the most visible and available expression of [a]
culture' (Brown, 1986, cited in Valdes, 1986: 33). As will
be shown, though, language and culture are so intricately
related that their boundaries, if any, are extremely blurred
and it is difficult to become aware of-let alone question-the
assumptions and expectations that we hold. It should be reiterated
that language teaching is culture teaching, and what the next
chapter will set out to show is that, 'by teaching a language
one
is inevitably already teaching culture implicitly' (McLeod,
1976: 212), and gaining insights into the foreign language
should automatically presuppose immersion in the foreign culture,
in so far as these two, language and culture, go hand in hand.
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