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Schools
and Ideology: A Critique
by Dimitrios Thanasoulas
- 1
Introduction
The
pressure upon schools to improve and raise achievement is
unlikely to recede over the next decade, which would suggest
that the school effectiveness and school improvement research
fields are likely to remain influential and popular with practitioners
and policy makers alike. Until recently, these two traditions
have gone their separate ways, mainly because of differences
in methodological orientation and ideological position. The
purpose of this paper is to provide the background and context
for the analysis and critique of school effectiveness and
improvement, within a cultural and political framework. More
specifically, the present work sets out to portray the various
processes that permeate the core of educational systems in
most western societies, and show that schools are nothing
but political arenas where the struggle for power and domination
is the norm. (For a detailed analysis of school effectiveness
and school improvement theories, please see Harris and Bennett,
2001).
The
micro-politics of change, improvement and effectiveness in
schools
Over
the last twenty years or so, there has been a resurgence of
interest in the description of what an effective school might
look like and how schools might achieve or sustain that 'happy
state' (Busher, 2001) through processes of school improvement.
Despite the success of various studies in attempting to characterise
effective schools (Rutter et al., 1977; Sammons et al., 1997),
little has been done to pinpoint these characteristics in
their dynamic socio-political environments or to indicate
how those environments interact with the internal processes
of schools. This has led to the view that what happens inside
schools should only concern those who work inside schools,
so that change in schools can be brought about solely by the
efforts of the staff of those schools (Barker, 1998).
However, it is argued here that much of what happens in schools
is caused by a multiplicity of factors located outside schools
which are imported into schools 'through the semi-permeable
membranes of school's institutional boundaries by students
and staff of all qualities' (Busher, 1992; Barker and Busher,
1998). Staff and students in schools interact both with these
external pressures and values and with each other in constructing
what transpires in schools. Many of these interactions or
negotiations are successful and result in agreed ways of working
and satisfactory outcomes to all parties involved. Some of
these interactions are less successful. The individual people
involved are trying to achieve their agendas, such as to teach
a lesson, learn a topic or resolve a conflict with students
or parents. As Busher (2001: 75) notes, '[t]hese agendas are
likely to be driven by overt or hidden values and beliefs
about education and social order'. In pursuit of these agendas,
people seek symbolic and material resources to help them.
In other words, they seek sources of power to help them implement
their views and values. This suggests that schools are political
arenas in which competing views of educational, political
and social order struggle to impose the preferred values of
different social groups and individual people.
At
any rate, these interactions are a nexus of shared norms and
values that express how people make sense of the organisations
in which they work and the other people with whom they work.
The shaping and sustaining of an institution's culture through
a variety of symbolic actions is of major concern to powerful
people, such as headteachers. This is because it helps to
make manifest the values and beliefs that those powerful people
wish the institution to implement. Thus, the shaping and reshaping
of a school's culture is a political act to assert power inequitably
in favour of a particular set of values and beliefs held by
the most powerful people. In the same vein, the curriculum
aspect of a school's process is itself a political phenomenon.
According to Carr (1993: 5), the curriculum is: 'not a description
of subject matter but a set of proposals indicating
how
subject matter is to be organised, the educational purposes
it serves, the learning outcomes it is intended to achieve
and the methods by which such outcomes are to be evaluated'.
In short, the curriculum can be conceptualised as a process
negotiated between teachers and students in the classroom,
although formally, in the administrative structure of the
school, power is held autocratically by teachers (and those
vertically superior).
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